Mormon’s
Codex: An Ancient American Book by John Sorenson is the culmination of his
lifetime of research into the Book of
Mormon. Sorenson uses the correspondence methodology, used by Biblical
scholars like William Dever, to place the Book
of Mormon into Mesoamerican history. (7) Using extensive, and some would
say, exhaustive, research Sorenson has admirably succeeded in his goal.
Paradigms don’t change in a day,
but I find it hard to believe that many of the academic articles of faith
concerning Mesoamerica remain after this.
For example, Sorenson summarizes and then caps previous research
concerning pre Columbian contact with plants, diseases, and oceanic travel that
make it hard for anybody to question the occurrence of diffusionist events.
His book is divided into three
sections. The first details his
methodologically paradigms. These include such things as where to look for
correspondences. This was one hundred
pages that went by surprisingly fast; and a preliminary review of that section
is found here: http://www.studioetquoquefide.com/2013/09/welcome-to-orientation-mormons-codex.html
The second section examines
correspondences by topic. And the third
part examines correspondences from archaeology and history. While this reviewer has read the entire book,
with a specialty in military history I will focus on chapter 18 and the warfare
correspondences listed therein. I will highlight the material that caught my
eye, the way it interacts with my research, and humbly, a few points he may
have missed.
Finding Evidence of
Battles
As I said here,
evidence for battles is notoriously hard to find. I even mentioned the Battle of Hasting in
previous discussions. So I nodded
vigorously when Sorenson quoted Dr. William Rathje’s description of
archaeologists digging at Hastings, one of the most studied battles in history,
and finding a few teeth instead of the trove of weapon and armor. (383, fn 9)
Of course this won’t stop critics from leveling the same charge to dig at
Cumorah for an easily findable cache of weapons and armor, but it reinforces
the idea that this book is a must read for those that wish to study the Book of Mormon.
War Chiefs
Sorenson described how the Yuctan Maya called
their local chiefs batabs, which the
Spanish translated as Capitan, or Captain in English. (395) The term nacom
is translated as war chief. (395-396) There were many words that Smith
could have used for leadership positions, but captain and chief captain seemed
particularly poignant based on these Mayan terms.
Sons
Sorenson described how the Quiche rulers
of highland Guatamela conceptualized their soldiers as “sons.” (396) This is
very interesting and something I noted in preliminary research in two
other places.
The Chinese also used familial conceptualization. In their case it was designed to instill
discipline in raw troops. In Confucian society each member of society had a duty to abide
by the proper forms of conduct (li). So a ruler had to be a good ruler, a
father a good father, a son a good son, and so on. So calling recruits sons
would instill the same sense of obedience they likely learned growing up, and
would enhance the authority of a new commander.
Abiding by the proper forms of conduct also induced greater power in the
soldiers.
Finally, the military theorists
that advocated these policies lived during the Warring States period. Armies
increased in size, so this was an additional attempt to instill discipline in
armies that were growing bigger. Since
this is the first period in Nephite history that recorded multiple armies in
multiple theatres, it would make since that new soldiers, and a new commander,
would adopt a father son relationship. So I think Sorenson touched upon
something that is far stronger than he realized.
Numbers
I’ve discussed numbers in several
places.
Sorenson repeated a few of the points I made concerning the unreliable and
often inflated numbers. But he added
important evidence from several Mesoamerian groups that could form large
armies. The Quiche force that fought the
Spanish numbered about 232,000. (397) Almost exactly the amount listed by
Mormon. The Aztecs raised 400,000 for a
routine campaign. Another Aztec army
reprorted 700,000 men. The one I enjoyed
the most was a Tultec war that witnessed 5,600,000 deaths. (398) I
enjoyed reading this numbers a great deal, as I’ve often argued that ancient
realms could field and kill large numbers and even millions of people, and I
plan on incorporating this evidence into my discussion of numbers in the
future.
Prearranged Battle
The Mayans often scheduled their
battles according to anticipated astronomical phenomena. The final battle would
have been 1000 years after a significant date like the arrival of Lehi in the
New World. Sorenon also cited the
prearranged battle with the Amlicites.
I touched upon the Amlicite example; though I added a thought that perhaps it
was prearranged only because the rival cities were close to one another similar
to Richmond and Washington during the U.S. Civil War, and there was little
other strategy besides attacking the opposing capital that made guessing about
this battle rather easy.
Camp Followers
Sorenson discussed the camp
followers that normally accompany an army using Alma 56:28 among other verses. (420) Alma 56:28 talked about supplied being
delivered for soldiers and their families, which inspired a paper and now book
chapter. So I agree, but there are more
implications than Sorenson listed. Since they didn’t carry armor and weapons
they could carry more food and provide much needed logistical support. Bringing along their women and families
increased the moral of soldiers. Moroni
also invoked a support of their wives and families in the title of liberty, so
this could have been a psychological prop for the soldiers. If the Nephites
were defeated their families in the nearby city would be the first to die so it
would inspire them to fight harder.
I also suggested that this could
have been a military colony. Some
critics have argued that the war chapters represent an anachronistic standing
army, but this could be an attempt to move soldiers into the area on a long
term basis without keeping them active. As a military colony they would have
gone back to farming with their families around the city when the war ended, but
would be available for additional duty pending renewed conflict. So the
presence of wives and children could mean a great deal more than simply telling
us about the organization of the army.
Battle Standard
Sorenson discussed a battle
standard attached to an army’s leader.
But surprisingly he only spends a short paragraph on this. (421) David Freidel described how Mayan armies also
used a battle standard.[1]
Friedel described it as a standard that represented and was infused with the power of deity. So in addition to an
army losing because of the death of their war chief, the perceived loss of
divine favor would also compel their retreat. On top of that, some monuments in
Mesoamerica were ritually destroyed upon defeat, with some figures actually
having holes in the back where standards could be placed when they were thrown
down.[2]
(Compare to Alma 51:20)
Conclusion
Sorenson’s research displayed
impressive depth and scope, and I couldn’t help but remember the quote about
critics losing the battle without knowing it. Sorenson also called this a
“benchmark for future researchers.” (xvii)
So in many cases his benchmarks validated the research I had already
done, and left the door open for me to dig deeper using my specialized knowledge
of military history. I’m grateful to
have additional research and sources which enhance my study and I highly
recommend his book for those that wish to study the Book of Mormon.
[1]
David Friedel, "May Warfare: Myth
and Reality." California State East Bay University Resources.
http://maya.csuhayward.edu/yaxuna/papershome.html (accessed January 2008,).
This link no longer works.
[2] Golden,
Charles, “The Politics of Warfare in the Usumacinata Basin: La Pasadita and the
Realm of the Bird Jaguar.” In Ancient
Mesoamerican Warfare, edited by Travis Stanton Kathryn Brown, 293-301.
Balitmore: Little Field Publishing, 2003.(43) My research notes are a bit
unclear, I will continue to look at this one.